Published on BRICS Business Magazine vol 3,
June 2013
For a
number of years, to provide assistance that goes beyond monetary benefits and
promotes social inclusion has been the mission statement of Bolsa Família, a
conditional cash transfer program that supports 12 million low-income families
in Brazil. Now it is successfully implementing technical cooperation
initiatives with countries like the Dominican Republic, Guinea Bissau, Ghana
and Kenya.
Over the
last two decades, Brazil has emerged as an increasingly influential country in
international affairs by placing the concept of development at the center both
of its domestic and its foreign policies. While it is true that many important
social and economic challenges remain, the country has been able to draw on its
own recent achievements to build coalitions with other developing nations and
strengthen its leadership overseas.
Technical
cooperation is an important instrument of Brazil’s foreign policy, particularly
for bilateral South–South relations. Different from traditional aid flows,
Brazilian technical cooperation is centered in the export of development
solutions and on building capacities in other developing states. The Bolsa
Família (‘Family Grant’) is the flagship program of Brazil’s technical cooperation,
having inspired similar initiatives in more than 14 countries. Exporting a
program of such magnitude, however, requires a complex management structure,
distribution and banking network which are often limited or nonexistent in many
countries. But to what extent are the success factors of the Bolsa Família
informing the design and implementation of Brazilian technical cooperation?
The leadership driver
The first
initiatives of direct income transfers to poor families, conditional on
fulfillment of specific requirements, began at the local level. In 1995, the
governments of the cities of Campinas and Brasília pioneered direct cash
payments to families as an incentive to ensure that their children attended
school regularly. From these early experiences, a variety of conditional cash
transfer or basic income programs burgeoned in various cities and states across
Brazil. In 1998, at least 24 income transfer initiatives were already underway
at the subnational level.
These
local initiatives had an important demonstration effect and fostered the
development of larger conditional cash transfer programs at the federal level.
In late 2003, the federal government had at least five cash transfer programs.
Each of these programs used similar income transfer tools to achieve different
public policy outcomes: employment, health, education, food security, energy,
and the eradication of child labor. As the fragmentation of the different
programs grew, the causal link between these initiatives and poverty reduction
became less clear. President Lula’s administration unified and rationalized the
different cash transfer initiatives into one single program, the Bolsa Família,
under the new Ministry of Social Development and Fight Against Hunger (MDS).
The economic driver
The 1990s
are known as the decade of economic stabilization in Brazil, in the same way
that the 2000s are called the decade of inequality reduction. After nearly two
decades of uninterrupted hyperinflation, the Plano Real (‘Real Plan’) had a
positive impact in stabilizing the economy and halting poverty. By 1999,
inflation in Brazil had fallen to 3.12%, the lowest rate recorded since
November 1949. The percentage of Brazilians living in poverty also fell from
44.2% in 1990 to 34.9% in 1999. However, in 1999, Brazil still had the highest
degree of inequality in the world, with a Gini coefficient of 0.59, and the
number of poor people in the country remained at a high level.
The Bolsa
Família depends on robust control and monitoring systems. Benefits are paid to
registered families that meet the eligibility requirements of the program,
including school enrollment with a minimum attendance of 85% up to age 14, and
75% up to age 17. Another condition is that children get a full set of
vaccinations in their first five years, and that mothers attend pre- and
post-natal care
Economic
stabilization paved the way for the future implementation of the Bolsa Família
program. While economic stabilization alone would not suffice to further reduce
poverty and inequality in Brazil, stabilizing and leveling were integral parts
of the Brazilian strategy to fight poverty, in addition to economic growth
policies.
The technology driver
The third
driver of the Bolsa Família is the IT systems created to operate, control and
monitor the program. At the operational level, the Cadastro Único (‘Single
Registry’) enables targeting and selection, based on socioeconomic data on poor
families in more than 5,000 municipalities across Brazil. Data collection and
beneficiary registration are decentralized to the municipalities, while the
operation and maintenance of the database are centralized at the federal level.
Benefits are paid through the use of a debit card issued by a federal bank. The
information in the Cadastro Único is integrated with more than 9,000 social
services centers, and the benefits can be cashed in banks, post offices and
lottery outlets across the country.
The Bolsa
Família also depends on robust control and monitoring systems. Benefits are
paid to registered families that meet the eligibility requirements of the
program, including school enrollment with a minimum attendance of 85% up to age
14, and 75% up to age 17. Another condition is that children get a full set of
vaccinations in their first five years, and that mothers attend pre- and
post-natal care. Satellite and internet-via-radio allow data exchange with
local governments in remote locations. This data is useful to ensure compliance
and payment even in regions with limited access to electricity and phone lines.
The drivers embedded
Other
countries from the South are keen to emulate the successes of the Bolsa Família
programme. The export of the Bolsa Família program provides interesting
examples of how the accumulated knowledge of the program and its drivers can inform
the design of cooperation initiatives. For instance, the incorporation of a
satellite and radio-based internet communication system similar to that used in
the Bolsa Família will enable the implementation of cash transfer programs in
remote areas of the Dominican Republic, where access to electricity and phone
lines are limited. The initiative is part of a broader cooperation program
between the Dominican and Brazilian governments that includes support for the
rationalization of cash transfer programs through the development of an
information management system that integrates data currently dispersed in three
government organizations.
In Guinea
Bissau, economic and institutional fragility still hinder the adoption of cash
transfer programs like the Bolsa Família. Instead, Guinea Bissau and Brazil
have been piloting complementary actions such as the development of a universal
civil registry that in the future may lay the ground for more complex cash
transfer schemes.
Another
innovative way to transfer the Bolsa Família experience has been through the
creation of knowledge platforms in countries that share similar development
patterns and needs. Ghana and Kenya have started a common social agenda after a
joint visit to Brazil in 2008. The two countries experience similar challenges
in social protection, and have developed mechanisms for joint support in
specific areas related to the implementation of cash transfer programs and
other social policies. The same is happening between Ghana and Mozambique.
In the
future, these countries are expected to have the capacity in place not only to
run their own programs, but also to export their experience to other developing
countries.
***
Socialization à la Brazil
The
colonial past left a huge social debt in Brazil. Since independence in 1822,
and then the abolition of slavery in 1888, no inclusion mechanism had been put
in place for indigenous people or descendants of slaves – until recently. As a
republic, Brazil had a history of political patronage that characterized its
social policies for most of the 20th century. In the 1930s and 1940s, the first
social rights were introduced in the form of pensions, maximum working hours,
and paid leave. However, these rights were restricted to a few members of urban
labor groups who had the power of mobilization and could influence economic
activities in a more decisive manner. From the 1960s until the turn of the
millennium, the main approach to the alleviation of poverty was based on the
belief that economic growth is good for the poor. But as the country grew, the
concentration of income worsened.
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